Mayflower Hotel

15 Central Park West

New York, New York

November 22, 1938

Dear Mr. Brailsford:

The last thing I heard from you was your good letter and the check for fifty pounds. In the beginning I thought I would not need it, but unfortunately the whole thing becomes more expensive than I thought. But there is no doubt that I shall be able to pay back the sum before the first of January, as there is a chance that my new play will be produced soon. By the way, as it sometimes happens in life, my attempt to “arrive” in New York was in vain. It was not necessary for me to pay another forty pounds and to change from tourist class to first class (in America people who are travelling tourist class are nobodies, as you know). When I arrived in New York no press asked for me, but for a photogenic girl and for a giant and a midget, so I stood beside them and grew sad about the unnecessary pound paper notes which were floating in the ocean back to England’s Lady Cunard.

I could not understand anything. I also could not understand that the American Quakers, who had so solemnly pledged to assist me in God’s Own Country, behaved in a very strange and reserved way. I went over to Philadelphia, and saw the Executive Secretary of the Friends, Mr. Clarence E. Pickett, and his very shrewd secretary, Mr. Reich. At least I found out what had gone on. Certain influential people in this country, among them of course some wealthy Jews, consider me a “red”, therefore a suspect creature, therefore a human being who only does destructive work. When I showed them all the messages I had with me they changed their minds, but implored me not to make any public statement and not to give any interviews so as not to antagonize the Catholics, the conservatives, the liberals the rich Jews and I think ninety-nine percent of ten percent of the civil population of this country.

As I am only concerned with quick help, I gave this promise. Then Mr. Pickett rang up Mr. Norman Davis, the President of the American Red Cross, and made an appointment for Saturday morning. Mr. Reich accompanied me. I curse my bad instinct in allowing it. Ostensibly Mr. Davis was really impressed by my explanations, the statistics and the letters I had with me, especially the letter of the Foreign Office. Suddenly Mr. Reich stepped in, talked to him about the League of Nations Commission scheme, and influenced him to support this scheme which, as you know, means only food in the amount of fifteen million dollars, (contrary to my scheme which means food in the amount of fifty millions;) which means only the feeding of refugees (contrary to my scheme which means feeding the whole civil population). I personally think that this scheme of the League of Nations will work badly in practice, and will have doubtful effect. (If, for example, in a house, there are living two mothers, and one has nine children and is not a refugee but a marvelous inhabitant from Barcelona, and the other has four children and is a refugee from Bilbao, the mother with four children will get good food because she is a refugee, and the other mother with nine children will get a greater quantity of bad food because she has the sad fate not to be a refugee.)

In any case Mr. Davis was persuaded to support the League of Nations proposal and I realized soon why Mr. Reich did not support my scheme. The reason (that is confidential) is that a Quaker who had worked in Franco Spain, Mr. Ewald, had arrived in Philadelphia and has made the following statement: Franco has definitely no hope of winning the war by military means. His only hope is to win the war by starvation of the civil population in Spain. Franco would consider the feeding of the civil population as a hostile act. But it is possible that he could be persuaded to allow the feeding of the refugees. If we assume the number of the civil population to be thirteen millions in Loyalist Spain, only three million are refugees.

In spite of all this, the negotiation had one good result. When we both inquired what the American government would be ready to contribute we learned that six million bushels of wheat will be given. According to the Constitution the government is not allowed to give any financial help. Therefore, the money which is needed to grind the wheat, a sum of $375 000, must be collected privately. The North American Committee has at its disposal $125 000 for this purpose. The rest, $250 000, must be gotten from private sources, and the Quakers want me to visit a number of multi-millionaires and to break their hearts and make them willing to give this sum. This amount of wheat has a value of six million dollars. As I further learned, the American Government as in consequence of my letter from the Foreign Office will ask the English government to contribute another $5 000 000 especially in coal. Then the French Government will be asked to contribute three transportations from the north of France to the border of Republican Spain, and also free transport from Marseilles to Barcelona and Valencia by boat. From the $15 000 000 Franco would get a certain part in clothes and shoes which he needs badly. This would the extent of the action.

Up till now the American Government has not been inclined to take the lead for inter-Governmental action. I am of the firm opinion that this could have been reached if I had not found the resistance of the American Friends, and especially of Mr. Reich, who thinks that the bigger scheme would be considered by Franco as not impartial and would therefore endanger the position of the Friends. You will understand that I felt happy and depressed at the same time; happy about the result achieved, depressed about the possibilities which had been disappointed.

For example, one does not want to exploit the readiness of Scandinavian Governments, but I decided, after sincere reflection, to lend my support also to the League of Nations plan. It does not matter which scheme becomes reality. The most important is a beginning. But it is my firm decision not to stop after this achievement. I shall keep quiet until the American Red Cross has made known publicly that it will, with the endorsement of the President, supply the six million bushels.

If that is done my public propaganda cannot any more endanger the small scheme, and I shall try to win the support of public opinion and the President for the larger scheme. Unfortunately, our friend Del Vayo has not taken a very strong stand. Los Rios agreed with me that the lack of any encouragement and statement from Del Vayo for my plan made my position difficult at this moment, as the others, especially Mr. Reich in his discussion with Mr. Davis, could say that Del Vayo only supports the League of Nations scheme. It is a pity, but as I stated I have not given up hope of broadening the action, and in any case one result has been achieved. I am grateful that I could be of use in its achievement.

I would be grateful to you if you could inform our friends of these details, especially Kingsley Martin, Sir Walter Layton, Professor Catlin, labor and trade union leaders, etc.

The indignation about the anti-Semitic outrages in Germany is tremendous, but I see one danger. Many of the newspapers make out of the German problem a Jewish one. This false line will have a reaction, and no good one.

I attended with Robert Dell a party where only conservatives were present. They did not know who I was, and I listened to very interesting statements of conservative people who condemned the New York Times for its overemphasis on the Jewish question. They said that a number of their friends have stopped reading the New York Times. In my opinion they are not altogether wrong. That would have been an occasion for the American Jews to connect the persecution of the Protestants, Catholics, liberals and workers with their own problem. They did not do that. They even made the great mistake, und the influence of the Catholics, of becoming cowards in the treatment of Republican Spain. As I learned, the Catholic church supports them only under the condition that they will avoid showing sympathy with the fighting Spanish Republic. And I must also say they are shouting too emotionally. It’s very strange; four or five years ago, when nobody shouted, and there was a desert of deafness, I shouted with a loud voice. Now when everybody shouts, my voice becomes quiet and changes its tone.

I spoke yesterday at Madison Square Garden. I take the freedom of enclosing the copy of my speech and you will understand what I mean. For my words about England there is one reason. They condemn the English people as a whole, and do not see the strong moral awakening which goes across the parties and which is in my opinion the greatest hope for the future of Europe.

Please give my love to Mrs. Brailsford. With all good wishes and thanks for your friendship,

Yours ever,

Ernst Toller

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